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- Sobre as origens da vogal radical /i/ em sigo~siga no verbo galego-português: Um fenómeno de contacto linguístico?
Sobre as origens da vogal radical /i/ em sigo~siga no verbo galego-português: Um fenómeno de contacto linguístico?
Autores
Tipología
Paper
Journal title
Studies on Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics
Year
2015
ISSN/Dep. Legal
1939-0238
Volumen
4
Número
2
Páginas
301-342
Website
Synopsis
[Resumen extraído de la fuente original]
It is admitted that the origin of the height of the radical vowel of Galician and Portuguese sigo ~ siga ‘I follow / I go on’ and cubro ~ cubra ‘I cover’ is problematic: the expected vowel in that context, through a regular phonological evolution, should be mid high, not high. Given the irregular origin of the high vowel in Galician, Portuguese and Spanish, that the three languages share the unexpected height and that it seems that the high vowel first appeared and was consolidated in the central dialects of the Peninsula, I will propose that forms like sigo and cubro were originated in those central dialects and were taken and spread into the occidental dialects by a language contact situation. As the contact was more prolonged and intense in Galicia than in Portugal, Galician promoted variants like pido ~ pides ~ pide ~ pida (‘I ask for’), shared with Spanish, and diverged in this respect from Portuguese, which blocked their spreading.
Language
Subject
Lengua › Comparative and contrastive studies › Spanish/Galician comparison
Lengua › Comparative and contrastive studies › Spanish/Portuguese comparison
Lengua › Comparative and contrastive studies › Galician/Portuguese comparison
Lengua › Phonetics and Phonology
Lengua › Historical linguistics and etymology › Historical grammar. Internal history
Geographic Area
Last modified
08/02/2019 - 14:27